Wednesday, February 27, 2019
Internationalisation and the European Nation State Essay
Question 1It is undeniable that the state of populace affairs has dramatically evolved since the end of the Second World War. More specifically, the freshet of development in IT has been the chief reason that our knowledge domain has constrain little a mosaic of nation-states and more(prenominal) than a melting pot of societies, cultures, and associations whereby nation-states ar inevitably bound to trans-national phenomena. As Cox notes, globalization generates a more complex multi-level world governmental system, which implicitly challenges the old Westphalian assumption that a state is a state is a state (Cox, in Pierson, p.181).This work shall live this notion of globalization by highlighting two problems from Pierson, namely rock-bottom sedition in the global governmental arena, and the influence of the global parsimoniousness on nation-states. These issues allow for be defined and then discussed in simile to Lindensjs theoryions of Realist republic and Commun itarian commonwealth respectively.Decreased anarchy refers to the marginalization of the liberty of nation-states in the outside(a) order. The growing interdependence amidst nations across the humans has resulted in a redirection of respective national interests towards the sphere of global quite than internal (Pierson 174). What this means for realist democracy is a skewed orientation of political candidates they become no longer dedicated to domestic issues but those of an external record instead. The problem with this lies in the fact that the success of the Realist democratic concept (in Lindensjs view) is dependent upon the competition of political leaders to win sycophancy (via votes) from the citizens.There is a problem if politicians win a seat in office with a platform claiming to be for the people, and then redirect their interests afterwards election to the international sphere. The welfare of the citizens is left on the sidelines in organise of external issues , and the fruits of Realist democracy are not enjoyed by the people who voted for it, thence the legitimacy of the democratic process diminishes.This is especially a danger in realist democracy since representation by political actors replaces active participation by the citizens Realist democracy thus does not entail, cannot entail, governance by the people in a real sense. It can only entail the people having the possibility to choose or reject pretenders, i.e. elect those that govern (Lindensj 3). These elected delegates, are in turn subjected to a political framework where, international institutions, conventions and regimes moderate the consequence to which inter-state dealing can be conceived as genuinely and actively anarchical (Pierson 175). Thus, the validity of Realist democracy is compromised beholding as though anarchy is its cornerstone.Similarly, Communitarian democracy is also restricted by the over-arching nature of the international order. Lindensjs vagary o f Communitarian democracy requires nations to be able to pursue interests in a embodied manner, with its citizens as an intrinsic part of the democracy (Lindensj 11). There is a grand emphasis placed on compromise a furcate of fork out and take to realize the maximum of individual noble-mindeds in a corporate manner. This sort of idyllic outlook on forming a democratic friendship would be difficult to practice even in the small, cohesive communities of antediluvian patriarch Greece.The decreased anarchy of the international order today magnifies the difficulty of take in different people, groups, and ideas under a incorporated banner. To imagine what Lindensj refers to as a homelike partnership seems like a far stretch seeing that an increasingly interdependent world melds such a sheer survey of different people, outlooks, and traditions. The scale of interdependency in todays world well-nigh certainly underpins the homelike values necessary for effective Communitarian democracy especially where individuals interests are drawn outside the domestic sphere.Perhaps the most influential factor working against the Westphalian concept of global politics is the nature of modern global commercializes. Today, domestic economies cannot escape the forces of the international parsimony (Pierson 171). As Cox notes, economic globalization has placed constraints upon the autonomy of states and, increasingly, states must become the instruments for adjusting national economic activities to the exigencies of the global economy (Cox, in Pierson 179).This excerpt makes a direct reference to a lessening of state autonomy collect to global economies. For this reason, it is clear that Realist democracy is challenged by the worlds economy and market forces that compromise autonomy. The economic implications of globalization mirror those associated with decreased anarchy for example, if economic reforms are made to comply with the international system, this results in states management on international economic policies over domestic ones. The working company will most certainly lose out to those who hold political positions the elites, who will mold economic reforms around the international order and, more often than not, their own interests.For Communitarian democracies, global economics impedes the possibility of creating cohesive and collective communities. With economic concerns subjected to the influences of global markets, Communitarian democracies cannot set there own economic agenda. Moreover, the Communitarian ideal of setting a collective goal as to what the good liveliness should be is nearly impossible since the international economic order infiltrates domestic affairs. As Pierson notes, In practice, state organizations have multiple points of interaction with twain domestic and trans-national actors and these interactions are very far from disclosing a single and merged will (Pierson 185). By imposing an influence on states, g lobal market forces charge the Communitarian ideal of forming a collective vision of the good life.Chapter 8 of Holden, entitled The United Nations as an agency of global democracy (Falk) and Chapter 10, planetary civil society and the democratic prospect (Archibugi, Balduini, Donati) both focus on the idea of strengthening and broadening the influence of civil society to combat (what Falk refers to as) globalization-from-above. The Archibugi, Balduini, and Donati text focuses on the Agenda proposed by Boutros Boutros-Ghali, which in turn places a large focus on the democratization of the international community as the key to better international relations.The Realist conception of democracy would embrace this sort of change. With a system that provides a relevant representation of society and de-monopolizes intergovernmental relations as the sole means of international relations, the citizenry of the world will realize a new possibility to voice concerns on an international level (Archibugi et al, in Holden 137). For people in Realist democracies this means that political interest group that was once only a mere handing-over of power to a representative is now a legitimate voice to be heard beyond the confines of the state. An important feature of Ghalis vision was the creation of UN regional Organizations that would cater to civil society and make civil interests a higher(prenominal) priority.Falks concept of stronger social activism (globalization-from-below) to combat global market forces (globalization-from-above) would see the Communitarian goal of correcting the growing imbalance between private and public goods (Falk, in Holden 163,173). Communitarians would support the equalizing aspects of this arrangement since it would contribute better to the philosophy of allowing a community to form its objectives without external influences. For Falk, the reformation of states to find a better balance, between the logic of capital and priorities of its peop les is paramount in the effort to promote more effective democracy. In both the Communitarian and Realist views, a reform of the international political order in this manner would be a step in the right direction.BIBLIOGRAPHYGoldmann, Kjell, 2001. Transforming the European Nation-State. London SagePublications.Holden, Barry (ed.), 2000. Global Democracy. London Routledge.Pierson, Christopher, 1996. The moderne State. London Routledge.Stevenson, Nick, 1999. The Transformation of the Media Globalization, Morality, andEthics. Harlow, Essex Pearson Education Limited.Swedish Government, 2002. The Swedish Governments EU Policy Goals for 2002.